| In the event of an imminent and demonstrable threat to Israels security, there would be provision for emergency deployments in the West Bank
The new state of Palestine would be nonmilitarized, but would have a strong security force; sovereignty over its airspace, with special arrangements to meet Israeli training and operational needs; and an international force for border security and deterrence
On Jerusalem, I recommended that the Arab neighborhoods be in Palestine and the Jewish neighborhoods in Israel, and that the Palestinians should have sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram and the Israelis sovereignty over the Western Wall and the holy space of which it is a part, with no excavation around the wall or under the Mount, at least without mutual consent
On refugees, I said that the new state of Palestine should be the homeland for refugees displaced in the 1948 war and afterward, without ruling out the possibility that Israel would accept some of the refugees according to its own laws and sovereign decisions, giving priority to the refugee populations in LebanonI recommended an international effort to compensate refugees and assist them in finding houses in the new state of Palestine, in the land-swap areas to be transferred to Palestine, in their current host countries, in other willing nations, or in IsraelBoth parties should agree that this solution would satisfy UN Security Council Resolution 194
Finally, the agreement had to clearly mark the end of the conflict and put an end to all violenceI suggested a new UN Security Council resolution saying that this cartier pasha agreement, along with the final release of Palestinian prisoners, would fulfill the requirements of resolutions, 242 and 338
I said these parameters were nonnegotiable and were the best I could do, and I wanted the parties to negotiate a final status agreement within themAfter I left, Dennis Ross and other members of our team stayed behind to clarify any misunderstanding, but they refused to hear complaintsI knew the plan was tough for both parties, but it was timepast timeto put up or shut upThe Palestinians would give up the absolute right of return; they had always known they would have to, but they never wanted to admit itThe Israelis would give up East Jerusalem and parts of the Old City, but their religious and cultural sites would be preserved; it had been evident for some time that for peace to come, they would have to do thatThe Israelis would also give up a little more of the West Bank and probably a larger land swap than Baraks last best offer, but they would keep enough to hold at least 80 percent of the settlersAnd they would get a formal end to the conflictIt was a hard deal, but if they wanted peace, I thought it was fair to both sides
Arafat immediately began to equivocate, asking for clarificationsBut the parameters were clear; either he would negotiate within them or notAs always, he was playing for more timeI called Mubarak and read him the pointsHe said they were historic and he could encourage Arafat to accept them
On the twenty-seventh, Baraks cabinet endorsed the parameters with reservations, but all their reservations were within the parameters, and therefore chanel shopping bag subject to negotiations anywayIt was historic: an Israeli government had said that to get peace, there would be a Palestinian state in roughly 97 percent of the West Bank, counting the swap, and all of Gaza, where Israel also had settlementsThe ball was in Arafats court
I was calling other Arab leaders daily to urge them to pressure Arafat to say yesThey were all impressed with Israels acceptance and told me they believed Arafat should take the dealI have no way of knowing what they told him, though the Saudi ambassador, Prince Bandar, later told me he and Crown Prince Abdullah had the distinct impression Arafat was going to accept the parameters
On the twenty-ninth, Dennis Ross met with Abu Ala, whom we all respected, to make sure Arafat understood the consequences of rejectionBarak would lose the upcoming election to SharonBush wouldnt want to jump in after I had invested so much and failed
I still didnt believe Arafat would make such a colossal mistakeThe previous day I had announced that I would not travel to North Korea to close the agreement banning its production of long-range missiles, saying I was confident the next administration would consummate the deal based on the good work that had been doneI hated to give up on ending the North Korean missile programWe had stopped their plutonium and missile testing programs, and had refused to deal with them on other issues without involving South Korea, setting the stage for Kim Dae Jungs sunshine policyKims brave outreach offered more hope for reconciliation than at any time since the end of the Korean War, and he had just been louis vuitton travel bag awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for itMadeleine Albright had made a trip to North Korea and was convinced that if I went, we could make the missile agreementAlthough I wanted to take the next step, I simply couldnt risk being halfway around the world when we were so close to peace in the Middle East, especially after Arafat had assured me that he was eager for an agreement and had implored me not to go
Besides the Middle East and the budget, a surprising number of other things had happened in the last thirty daysI marked the seventh anniversary of the Brady bill with the announcement that it had now prevented 611,000 felons, fugitives, and stalkers from buying handguns; observed World AIDS Day at Howard University with representatives from twenty-four African countries, saying that we had cut the death rate by more than 70 percent in the United States and now had to do much more in Africa and other places where the disease was raging; unveiled the design of my presidential library, a long, narrow glass-and-steel bridge to the twenty-first century jutting out above the Arkansas River; announced an effort to increase immunizations among inner-city children, whose vaccination rates remained far below the national average; signed my last veto, of a bankruptcy reform bill that was much harsher to lower-income debtors than to wealthy ones; issued strong regulations to protect the privacy of medical records; hailed Indias decision to maintain its cease-fire in Kashmir and Pakistans upcoming withdrawal of troops along the Line of Control; and announced new regulations to reduce unhealthy diesel gucci fabric fuel emissions from trucks and busesTogether with the year-old emissions standards on cars and SUVs, the new rules ensured that by the end of the decade, new vehicles would be up to 95 percent cleaner than those now on the road, preventing many thousands of cases of respiratory illness and premature death
Three days before Christmas, I granted executive clemency or commutations of sentences to sixty-two peopleI hadnt given many pardons in my first term and was anxious to deal with the backlogPresident Carter had granted 566 clemencies in four yearsPresident Ford had granted 409 in two and a half yearsPresident Reagans total was 406 in his eight yearsPresident Bush had granted only 77, and they included the controversial pardons of the Iran-Contra figures, and the release of Orlando Bosch, an anti-Castro Cuban the FBI believed to be guilty of multiple murders
My philosophy on pardons and commutations of sentences, developed while I was attorney general and governor of Arkansas, was conservative when it came to shortening sentences and liberal in granting pardons for nonviolent offenses once people had served their sentences and spent a reasonable amount of time afterward as law-abiding citizens, if for no other reason than to give them their voting rights backThere was a pardon office in the Justice Department that reviewed applications and made recommendationsI had been receiving them for eight years and had learned two things: the people over at Justice took too long to review the applications, and they recommended denial in almost all the cases
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